President Nixon
Who was Richard Nixon? The most amazing thing about the man was not what he did as president, but that he became president at all. Using thousands of new interviews and
recently discovered or declassified documents and tapes, Richard Reeves's President Nixon offers a surprising
portrait of a brilliant and contradictory man.
Even as he dreamed of presidential greatness, Nixon could trust no one. His closest aides spied on him as he spied on them, while cabinet members, generals, and admirals spied on all of them —
rifling briefcases and desks, tapping each other's phones in a house where no one knew what was true anymore. Reeves shows a presidency doomed from the start by paranoia and corruption, beginning
with Nixon and Kissinger using the CIA to cover up a murder by American soldiers in Vietnam that led to the theft and publication of the
Pentagon Papers, then to secret counterintelligence units within the White House itself, and finally to the burglaries and cover-up that came to be known as Watergate. President Nixon is the astonishing story of a complex political animal who was as praised as he was reviled and
who remains a subject of controversy to this day.
Author : Richard Reeves
ISBN-13: 9780743227193
Publisher: Simon & Schuster
Publication date: 28/10/2002
Editorial Reviews
From Barnes & Noble
Has there ever been a more controversial -- or complex -- president than Richard Nixon? Richard Reeves, who gave
us President Kennedy: Profile of Power (chosen by Time magazine as the best nonfiction book of 1993),
is back with a piercing look at this enigmatic man, who squandered his intelligence on bigotry and hate and ultimately destroyed his presidency. There's no one better than the gifted Reeves to
shed new light on the man about whom Bob Dole said, "The most extraordinary thing about his presidency was not the way it ended, but that it happened at all."
Reeves' biography of Nixon portrays the former president as a complex and brilliant man, a visionary ultimately destroyed by his own insecurities and self-imposed isolation. Reeves discusses
Nixon's personal weaknesses and the demise of his Presidency by Watergate, but he also highlights Nixon's leadership capabilities. The book offers a superb account of the notorious American president who will forever
remain a subject of fascination and debate. — Glenn Speer
Publishers Weekly
Syndicated columnist and biographer Reeves (President Kennedy: Profile of Power) presents an
authoritative worm's-eye view of Nixon's insular presidency, wherein even secretaries of state and defense were
out of the loop on foreign policy, and Nixon himself couldn't be bothered with domestic policy except as a chess
match for power. A tightly chronological abundance of details reveals how secrets, lies and isolation pervaded Nixon's administration. He lied even about things as trivial as his work habits; wrote memos to his family instructing
them on how to portray him as a warm family man; preferred dealing only with Haldeman, Ehrlichman and Kissinger, while
hiding from and distrusting most of his staff long before Watergate; and extended his enmity for "the establishment" to include business leaders, congressional Republicans and the Pentagon, even
accusing the latter of conspiring against his desire to crush North Vietnam. Reeves impressively demonstrates that Watergate grew directly and naturally out of the fundamental characteristics of
Nixon's administration. Unfortunately, dogged adherence to his avowed aim "to reconstruct the Nixon presidency as it looked from the center" obliterates much-needed context and reflection. For example, Reeves never
critically questions Nixon's evidently cynical exploitations of racism, often recast in neutral terms, nor
considers the subsequent historical consequences. He alludes to Nixon's fascination with Disraeli, but never
explores how this affected his outlook. This richly detailed miniature, crabbed and claustrophobic, leaves undone the task of placing its subject in perspective. (Oct. 1) Forecast: Reeves is
highly respected, as evidenced by thesale of first serial rights to Newsweek (on sale Aug. 27) and a booking on the Today Show (Sept. 24). He will do an eight-city tour. Despite its flaws, this
inside look at Nixon will fascinate many and, with a first printing of 65,000, should do very well sales-wise.
Copyright 2001 Cahners Business Information.
Library Journal
"This would be an easy job if you didn't have to deal with people," President Nixon noted on more than one
occasion. Reeves (President Kennedy: Profile in Power, LJ 9/15/93) dissects the Nixon presidency by investigating selected, important dates of his administration, which reveal him to be more of a
crises fomenter than manager. Nixon, according to Reeves, isolated himself like no other president and used his
gatekeepers H.R. Haldeman, John Erlichman, and National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger to circumvent the Cabinet, Congress, and the public. The
author makes effective use of Nixon's memos and diary, newly declassified records, and entries from the Haldeman
Diary, some of which appear here for the first time, to present an unflattering portrait of a short-tempered, foul-mouthed president obsessed with his reelection and blaming others, often Jews,
for problems of his own making. The book concludes when he stopped keeping a diary, in April 1973. Among the most fascinating matters are Nixon's triumphant 1972 opening of China, including meeting with a dying Chairman Mao, and the diplomatic infighting
between Secretary of State William Rogers and the tantrum-throwing Kissinger. Reeves skillfully employees the same day-to-day approach that worked so well in his study of Kennedy. Highly
recommended for most public libraries. [Previewed in Prepub Alert, LJ 6/15/01.] Karl Helicher, Upper Merion Twp. Lib., King of Prussia, PA Copyright 2001 Cahners Business Information.
Kirkus Reviews
A useful account of Richard Nixon's tumultuous tenure as chief executive. Presidential chronicler and journalist
Reeves (Running in Place: How Bill Clinton Disappointed America, 1996, etc.) has done his homework well for this study of Nixon's years as president, consulting mountains of recently declassified documents and interviewing Nixon cohorts and confidants such as John Dean, Richard Helms, William Safire, Pat Buchanan, John Ehrlichman, and Egil
"Bud" Krogh. For all his hard work, Reeves doesn't give us much that other biographers and analysts haven't already provided, including evidence of Nixon's raging anti-Semitism, his near-pathological paranoia and propensity for lying, and his dislike of the eminently
dislikable Henry Kissinger. Still, it's good to have that evidence in one volume, especially one as well-written as Reeves's, and even more so given the curious tendency of pundits and historians
in the last decade to sign off on Nixon's own post-presidential efforts to depict himself as one of America's
great statesmen, never mind the unfortunate tactical errors in such matters as Watergate and Vietnam. Reeves gives appropriate nods to Nixon's very real accomplishments in foreign policy, including his rapprochement with China-which, Reeves documents,
occupied Nixon in the earliest days of his first term, though it would not come to pass for several years.
Kissinger, who was in the habit of dismissing antiwar protestors as a pack of spoiled children, and who did not brook criticism even from his nominal superiors ("He's a devious bastard," Nixon remarked of his primary foreign-policy adviser), comes in for a well-deserved drubbing. Reeves treats others in the
Nixon WhiteHouse with a kind of detached respect, even as he recounts their escapades in selling ambassadorships
and subverting the Constitution. Those who survived the Nixon era will shudder anew; younger readers will find
this a lucid survey of a strange time.
Meet the Author
Richard Reeves is the author of presidential bestsellers, including President Nixon and President Kennedy, acclaimed as the best nonfiction book of the year by Time magazine. A syndicated columnist and winner
of the American Political Science Association's Carey McWilliams Award, he lives in New York and Los Angeles.
Read an Excerpt
Prologue: August 9, 1974
At midnight on August 8, 1974, Stephen Bull, the personal assistant to the President of the United States, walked into the President's office, the Oval Office. It was quiet and dark in the West
Wing of the White House. The television cameras were gone. The correspondents and the technicians had folded up their equipment and left after the thirty-seventh president, Richard Milhous Nixon, had announced, two hours before, that he would resign the office at noon on August 9. Bull decided
not to turn on the lights. He could see enough in the dim light from the hallway. He went in, picked up Nixon's
briefcase, put it near the doorway, and then began to pack away the things on the desk. The President was flying home to California the next day, and Bull decided to put everything on the desk
there, just the way it was here, as if nothing had happened. He began with Nixon's reading glasses and a
photograph of the President's two daughters, Tricia and Julie. As he picked up the appointment book, he bumped against the silver cigarette case the girls had given the President on the day he
was inaugurated. The case was knocked off the desk onto the rug. It opened and the music box inside began to play its tinny tune, "Hail to the Chief."
Later, the President's secretary, Rose Mary Woods, who had spent twenty-three years with him in good times and bad, and an assistant named Marge Acker came in and began emptying the drawers into
cardboard boxes. There were moving boxes in the hallways everywhere in the building. The place smelled of burnt paper, as some of the most powerful men in the country threw memos and files into
their office fireplaces. The office of Nixon's last chief of staff, General Alexander M. Haig, was filled with
giant clear plastic bags that held shredded documents. "Duplicates," he said. In the Oval Office the women packed up everything in the "Wilson desk," which Nixon used because he admired Woodrow Wilson. Then they moved on to his other two desks. The one President Dwight D.
Eisenhower had used in the Oval Office, when Nixon was vice president, was in room 175 of the Executive Office
Building, next to the White House; Nixon often worked alone there. The last one, which was smaller, was the
"Lincoln desk" in the President's sitting room in the living quarters upstairs near his bedroom; Abraham Lincoln had used it in his summer retreat, a farmhouse only a mile away, north of
Pennsylvania Avenue.
Miss Woods began with the center drawer of the Wilson desk. In it was a folder marked: "THE UNAUTHORIZED DISCLOSURE OF THE INFORMATION CONTAINED IN THE ATTACHED DOCUMENT(S) COULD BE PREJUDICIAL
TO THE DEFENSE INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES...Please put in the middle drawer of the President's desk." Inside were Nixon's funeral plans, six rose-colored pages, photographs, and an Avis Rent-a-Car map, with a description of Rose Hills
cemetery in Whittier, California, the town where he grew up. "Rose Hills is renowned as Southern California's most spacious and naturally beautiful Memorial Park." There was a list of honorary
pallbearers, as well as a list of six musical selections, from "God Bless America" to "California, Here I Come." Next to the California song, the poor boy from Whittier who had become president
had written, "Played softly and slowly."
Into a box it went, along with letters, stacks of newspaper clippings and polling summaries, the plastic belts of dictating machines, even a Halloween mask from a party. Most of what went into
the boxes were the President's memos to himself, hand-written over five years on long yellow legal pads or dictated late at night and transcribed the next day. "To do" lists and "to be" lists —
about what he wanted from history, what kind of president he wanted to be, what kind of man he wanted to be. American self-improvement lectures to himself — the most important dialogue in the
White House, an introvert's dialogue with himself.
One of the first of the lists, from the Eisenhower desk, was written late at night on February 6, 1969, Nixon's
seventeenth day as president. He was preparing for an interview with Hugh Sidey, who wrote a column called "The Presidency" for both Time and Life magazines, and he wrote three pages of
resolutions to himself:
Compassionate, Bold, New, Courageous...Zest for the job (not lonely but awesome). Goals — reorganized govt. Idea magnet...
Mrs. RN — glamour, dignity...
Open Channels for Dissent...Progress — Participation, Trustworthy, Open-minded.
Most powerful office. Each day a chance to do something memorable for someone. Need to be good to do good...The nation must be better in spirit at the end of term. Need for
joy, serenity, confidence, inspiration.
One drawer in Ike's old desk in that hideaway was stuffed with letters Nixon had read and kept for some reason,
along with the Dictaphone belts. The letters were the same kind any man kept, the important ones, or those that inspired or just flattered him. The oldest one in the desk turned out to be
important. It was from Claude Kirk, the governor of Florida, who wrote on May 31, 1969: "In regard to the replacement of Justice Fortas, I want to bring to your attention a Federal judge in this
district who meets what I believe is your criteria for experience, philosophy, and personal character. His name is Judge Harrold Carswell...To paraphrase the play entitled 'A Man For All
Seasons,' I can tell you that Justice Carswell is a man for all 'regions.'..." There was flattery from Theodore H. White in June 1969, along with the first copy off the press of his book The
Making of the President, 1968. True to form, the author's prose was rich: "This book whose hero is Richard M.
Nixon...My previous reporting of Richard Nixon must I know have hurt. If I feel differently now it is not
that there is a new Richard Nixon or a new Teddy White but that slowly truths force their way on all of us...this
book tries to describe the campaign of a man of courage and conscience."
In the first days of January 1970, alone in EOB 175, Nixon gave himself a pep talk, writing :
Add element of lift to each appearance...Hard work — Imagination — Compassion — Leadership — Understanding of young — Intellectual expansion...
Cool — Strong — Organized — Temperate — Exciting...Excitement — Joy in Life — Sharing. Lift spirit of people — Pithy, memorable phrases.
Some time after that, on an undated page found in the Oval Office, he wrote :
- Foreign Policy = strength. 1. War is difficult — But our successes are hidden — and ending war will be denied us. 2. Must emphasize — Courage, Stands alone...Knows more than anyone else. Towers above advisers. World leader.
- Restoration of Dignity. Family man — Not a playboy — respects office too much — but fun.
- Extraordinary intelligence — memory — Idealism — Love of country — Concern for old — poor — Refusal to exploit.
Yet must be personal and warm.
On November 15, 1970, he wrote himself two pages of notes that stayed in the desk in EOB 175 until they were packed away by Bull. They began: "2 years less one week or 6 years less one week," and
went on :
I have learned about myself and the Presidency. From this experience I conclude:
The primary contribution a President can make is on Spiritual lift — not material solutions.
1. The staff — particularly K & H — with my active cooperation have taken too much of my time in purely material decisions which could be left to others —
2. Harlow et al. have dragged me into too many Congressional problems.
3. My speech & idea group is inadequate — but part of the problem is that I have spent too little time with them —
4. The Press, the Intellectual establishment, and the partisan Dems are hopelessly against — Better means must be found to go over them to people.
5. I must find a way to finesse the Cabinet, staff, Congress, political types — who take time, but could do their job sans my participation. Symbolic meetings should be the answer.
Primarily — I must recognize responsibility to use power up to the hilt in areas where no one else could be effective —
Then he made a list of new resolutions :
1. Stop recreation except purely for exercise...
2. Need for more reading...
3. Need for more small social events...
4. Need for spiritual lift — each Sunday...
5. Need for optimistic up-beat psychology...
6. Need for more stimulating people to talk to —
So little time, so much that could be done. Alone by one of his White House desks or at Camp David, the presidential retreat in Maryland, or in the California and Florida homes he bought for
himself and then called "the Western White House" and "the Southern White House," he gnawed at the same themes: the unfriendly press, his disobedient staff and inadequate speechwriters, people
who did not appreciate how hard he worked or did not emphasize his courtesy, his warmth, his thoughtfulness when they talked of him to outsiders. There was pain, too, in his serial self-analysis.
He could be happy, but he could find no joy.
In the last days of 1970, alone in the Lincoln sitting room, Nixon wrote:
Every day is the last. Make it count. Is there anything I failed to do today — I will wish I could do when I no longer have the power to do it?
That was piled in with a note from his brother, Don, a man who always seemed to have a business deal almost done, and who had been helped this time by Thomas A. Brady, an attaché in the United
States embassy in Madrid. "A characteristic of the Spaniard is that he never forgets a favor or a friendly act," Brady wrote to the President's brother, saying that people over there always
appreciated Richard Nixon's pursuit of Alger Hiss as a communist, because Hiss, then a State Department official,
had successfully opposed the admission of Spain to the United Nations in 1945. On the bottom of Brady's note, President Nixon scrawled: "H — Let's see that Brady gets a promotion."
In March 1971, Nixon's approval rating dropped from 56 percent to 51 percent in the Gallup poll — his desk
drawers contained sheets of advance numbers supplied privately by both George Gallup and Louis Harris, the country's biggest names in public opinion survey research, and by his own pollsters,
paid from the many bank accounts and stashes of political cash maintained for him. Trying to figure why, he wrote:
People crave a leader...Our major failure is an obsession with programs. Competent, grey men. We lack color...Maintain Mystery. RN is not going to be exhibitionist — his acts...his strength must
be played up.
Not long after, Nixon tucked away a letter dated April 5, 1971, from a man with a gift for flattery, his old
adversary Dean Acheson, secretary of state under President Harry S Truman. As a rising Republican star in California, Nixon had attacked the Democratic president as "a graduate of Dean Acheson's Cowardly College of Communist Containment."
Acheson, who was in fact every bit as tough on communism as Nixon was, had reached out to Nixon, giving him support on Vietnam. Nixon reciprocated by sending him The Turning Point, a book about the early days of the Republic. Acheson thanked him,
writing: "Jefferson to me is a baffling figure...He had enormous talents — a real 18th Century man, even more gifted than Franklin. But he always seemed to be as much interested in words as in
the reality behind them. The more solid, less glittering talents of George Washington is what it took to get the country started."
Nixon underlined "less glittering talents." Perhaps the President saved the letter because he read "Kennedy" and "Nixon" for
"Jefferson" and "Washington"; that was almost certainly the way Acheson meant it to be read. Nixon wrote one word
on the letter: "True."
Later that month he also annotated and kept a letter dated April 28, 1971, from a film publicist named David Brown, who wrote: "You have achieved in your own way what General De Gaulle achieved
for France..." The President underlined that and added in his own hand, "A good theme."
The President's notes to himself from the next year, the election year of 1972, dwelled on even greater frustration about his public image — usually at great length. Once again, at night, he was
trying to define himself. On October 10, 1972, flying from his Florida home in Key Biscayne back to Washington, he worried, not for the first time, about how he would be remembered after all his
elections were over, writing :
"Presidents noted for — F.D.R. — Charm. Truman — Gutsy. Ike — Smile, prestige. Kennedy — Charm. LBJ — Vitality. RN — ?"
One of his ideas was: "The national conscience."
Then, after reminding himself to send a gift of cigars to Marshal Tito of Yugoslavia, President Nixon wrote out
this question for "K" :
Have we misjudged V.C. from beginning — 1. "Running to wire — exhausted." 2. "Stop U.S. dissent and they'll talk." 3. "Give them a jolt and they'll talk."
Then two weeks later, alone at 1 a.m. on October 23, 1972, in the Lincoln sitting room, he wrote this to himself :
I have decided my major role is moral leadership. I cannot exercise this adequately unless I speak out more often and more eloquently. The problem is time to prepare...I must take the time to
prepare and leave technical matters to others.
On his sixtieth birthday, January 9, 1973, he wrote :
Age — Not as much time. Don't spin your wheels. Blessed with good health...Older Men — De Gaulle, Ike, Yoshida, Adenauer, Churchill, Chou En Lai, Hoover...No one is finished — until he quits.